Israel [on Oct. 7] was savagely attacked by the terrorist organization, Hamas. The brazen strike claimed the lives of more than 1,300 innocent civilians including dozens of Americans. Images from the terrorist attack were horrifying. Women and children were murdered and kidnapped. Elderly were slaughtered in their homes. [At least 30] Americans were killed. It was unprovoked, unwarranted, and an affront to continued efforts to bring peace and stability to a region desperately in need of both.

Simply stated, there is no scenario where the murder of civilians is justified, and these depraved attacks are in direct opposition to international law and the basic tenets of morality that define civilized society. As such, the Assembly Minority Conference [recently] introduced a resolution rebuking these heinous crimes and denouncing these antisemitic attacks. Israel has been a faithful ally to the U.S., and it embodies the democratic ideals we strive to facilitate here. For that, our conference offers its unwavering support to our Israeli friends.

The loss of life caused by these attacks is heartbreaking. Violence in the name of hatred is something we have sadly witnessed here at home, and we know all too well what that hatred is capable of producing. We have still not recovered from the devastation of the events of Sept. 11, 2001, and these recent attacks provide an unsettling reminder that violence in the name of hate continues to fester. I call on my colleagues in the legislature, our federal leaders, and nations around the world to stand up against those who seek to destabilize and destroy innocent populations like we have seen here and in the Mideast. 

To that end, I was shocked and disappointed at members of New York’s Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) faction who have chosen to stoke antisemitic sentiment here in New York. The day immediately after the heinous actions by Hamas, New York City DSA promoted a rally in Times Square to support — in their own words — Palestine’s “right to resist.” Even while the death toll in Israel was still climbing, families were still trying to locate loved ones, and mourning for those tragically killed had barely begun, Socialists immediately used the Hamas attack as a rallying cry for their cause. 

Political discourse thrives when reasonable minds disagree about how to best serve the people who rely upon them. Policy debates end, though, after children are slaughtered in front of their parents and murder squads target innocent individuals in the name of fear. I fully support efforts to provide safety and shelter to those targeted in these attacks and I sincerely hope my colleagues withdraw from their disgraceful attempt to frame these events as anything but what they are: brutal atrocities.        

William (Will) A. Barclay, 54, Republican, is the New York Assembly minority leader and represents the 120th New York Assembly District, which encompasses all of Oswego County, as well as parts of Jefferson and Cayuga counties.

It’s not hard to imagine that as Congress edged closer and closer to shutting down the U.S. government at the end of September, most Americans watched with a sense of both disbelief and bemusement. Disbelief, because on Congress’s list of key responsibilities, keeping the federal government running surely ranks near the top. And some degree of confusion because, given overwhelming bipartisan support for passing spending bills, how could things have gotten so dire?

Before we get to that, though, it’s worth remembering that to some extent this is just Congress being Congress. At the best of times, the congressional process is slow, messy, complex, and often contentious — regardless of where popular sentiment lies. Not only is it not designed for quick action, it’s actually structured to slow things down so that matters of national importance can get a careful look.

In general, bills have to go through the committee system, which in an ideal world adds both expertise and additional scrutiny to the process — but also adds time. They’re subject to debate both in committee and on the floor of each chamber — and, in the Senate, always at risk of being filibustered. At every step of the process, interest groups and lobbyists are weighing in — often behind the scenes — in a full-court press to shape or block a bill. Procedural rules offer plenty of opportunities for individual members to block progress even in the face of widespread condemnation from colleagues, as Alabama GOP Sen. Tommy Tuberville has been facing for holding up military promotions and appointments. Sometimes, getting to a majority in both houses on the same piece of legislation can feel like a minor miracle, requiring negotiation, compromise, and lots of patience.

Our history offers examples. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 faced concerted opposition from southern senators in particular, though it enjoyed the support of a majority of Americans. 

To be sure, Congress can act quickly when it needs to, especially in the face of a national emergency — after 9/11, during the 2008 financial crisis, when confronted with the COVID pandemic. And in the past, even when the appropriations process to fund the federal government has hit snags, Congress has been able to move quickly to pass a continuing resolution or an omnibus spending bill to avert a shutdown.

But when both Congress and the nation are polarized and Congress itself is closely divided along partisan lines, everything becomes more difficult. This is especially so in the House of Representatives these days, where, as we’ve seen, just a tiny handful of members can gum things up and the GOP speaker faces the constant prospect of losing his post if even a single member of his caucus decides to give it a shot. In other words, the potential for messiness, gridlock, and obstruction has reached new heights this year.

Yet despite all this, there’s one other key thing to remember: When it comes to its most important business, like passing appropriations bills and funding the government, Congress always comes through. Debate might be contentious and every so often we face a shutdown — with all the disruption and political fallout that entails — but eventually every department will get its funds. Given all the forces arrayed against making progress, that’s no small feat.       

Lee Hamilton, 92, is a senior advisor for the Indiana University (IU) Center on Representative Government, distinguished scholar at the IU Hamilton Lugar School of Global and International Studies, and professor of practice at the IU O’Neill School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Hamilton, a Democrat, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for 34 years (1965-1999), representing a district in south-central Indiana.