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OPINION: Congress Is No Longer an Equal Branch
Though Congress-watchers have been focused since the beginning of the year on the ever-shrinking power of Capitol Hill, the common wisdom finally seems to be catching up. The New York Times recently headlined the online version of a front-page story, “Trump Tramples Congress’s Power, With Little Challenge From G.O.P.” Two days later, the Wall Street […]
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Though Congress-watchers have been focused since the beginning of the year on the ever-shrinking power of Capitol Hill, the common wisdom finally seems to be catching up. The New York Times recently headlined the online version of a front-page story, “Trump Tramples Congress’s Power, With Little Challenge From G.O.P.” Two days later, the Wall Street Journal took a different angle: “Cases on Trump’s Powers Raise Stakes for Congress: If president persuades courts on his expansive claims of authority, it would shrink the domain of the legislative branch.”
“Expansive claims of authority” is putting it mildly. We’re not even a quarter of the way through the second Trump administration, and the list of assaults on Congress’s prerogatives seems to grow every day. The White House is trying to claw back money Congress appropriated; it launched a military assault outside U.S. territorial waters without even notifying members; it is trying to cancel $5 billion in foreign aid approved by Congress; it’s pursued an economy-altering regime of tariffs — which the Constitution explicitly places in Congress’s domain; it’s repeatedly ousted administration officials just voted in by Congress; it has sought aggressively to block or at least control congressional oversight (another constitutional mandate)… By the time you read this, there will undoubtedly be more examples.
To some extent, this is simply a continuation of long-term trends. As New York Times reporters Julian E. Barnes and Catie Edmonson write, “For nearly a century, Democratic and Republican presidents alike have sought to amass more power, particularly to conduct foreign policy and military operations, and with a few exceptions, succeeded in chipping away at congressional influence.” Or to put it more succinctly, as former federal judge and current Stanford law professor Michael McConnell does in the Wall Street Journal, “When the president pushes the envelope, the other side of the envelope is Congress.”
And in certain arenas, most notably crafting the federal budget and war powers, Congress seemed content even before the first Trump administration to give the president more power. What seems different this time is the extent to which the leadership in both chambers has bowed to the administration’s wishes and avoided standing up for Congress’s authority.
I’ll be honest: I think this is misguided. I don’t think it’s an accident that the U.S. reached the apogee of its power at a time when Congress was a fully functioning, equal branch of government. There were plenty of reasons, ranging from the deep subject-matter expertise of prominent committee chairs and even rank-and-file members to policies that were more deliberative, representative, and sustainable because they often reflected compromise across regions, constituencies, and ideologies. Everything from the Social Security Act of 1935 to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to the War Powers Resolution of 1973 came out of a Congress not just willing, but eminently capable of working collaboratively in a determination to flex its muscles.
Yet even I, an unabashed and enthusiastic proponent of congressional power, have to recognize that those days are likely done. Since the 1990s, deep partisan divides — stoked by leaders seeking to cement their power — have made it difficult (though not impossible) to reach compromises across the aisle. The centralization of power in leadership hands has robbed committees of their ability to deliberate on policy, hear from expert witnesses, and apply technical expertise to legislation. And perhaps more than anything else, several generations of members have lost the instinct of congressional power — and along with it, the knowledge and legislative skills necessary to sustain Congress as a co-equal branch. There are the occasional glimmers of a congressional pulse — the Epstein files are a good example — but they stand out because they’re so rare.
Still, while Congress may never return to its powerful heyday, let alone to the roles our founders envisioned for it, there is no question that it can re-assert some of its authority whenever its members choose to do so. They can hold meaningful oversight hearings; they can withhold funding for administration initiatives they dislike; they can challenge, in court, presidential attempts to steal their constitutional authority. They can even craft and then pass legislation they believe the country needs. Congress has the right; it’s just a matter of will.
Lee Hamilton, 94, is a senior advisor for the Indiana University (IU) Center on Representative Government, distinguished scholar at the IU Hamilton Lugar School of Global and International Studies, and professor of practice at the IU O’Neill School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Hamilton, a Democrat, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for 34 years (1965-1999), representing a district in south-central Indiana.
VIEWPOINT: Title VI Coordinator Mandate for N.Y. Universities Signed into Law
As colleges and universities across New York welcomed students back to campus this fall, New York State Gov. Kathy Hochul signed into law a new requirement for all New York higher-education institutions to appoint a Title VI coordinator and undertake related training and notifications to their communities. The law, which had bipartisan backing in both
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As colleges and universities across New York welcomed students back to campus this fall, New York State Gov. Kathy Hochul signed into law a new requirement for all New York higher-education institutions to appoint a Title VI coordinator and undertake related training and notifications to their communities.
The law, which had bipartisan backing in both legislative chambers (Senate Bill S4559B / Assembly Bill A5448B) and was signed into law on Aug. 26, amends the New York Education Law by adding a new Section 6436-a to Article 129-A. The law is the first of its kind in the nation, going beyond even current federal mandates on Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which do not, as of yet, specifically require all institutions to appoint a Title VI coordinator.
The law comes on the heels of increased focus on Title VI and particularly its application to antisemitic incidents on campuses. Indeed, Gov. Hochul specifically cited combating antisemitism in signing the bill, while also acknowledging other forms of bigotry. Title VI prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color and national origin — including shared ancestry and ethnicity — in any program or activity of a federally funded school.
The new state law is not the first time New York has created requirements related to federal nondiscrimination law. Institutions are by now well familiar with the requirements of Article 129-B of the New York State Education Law, which covers institutional response to sexual assault, dating violence, domestic violence and stalking, thus overlapping with Title IX and the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) amendments to the Clery Act.
Institutions must designate a Title VI coordinator to serve as the central point of contact for coordinating and overseeing a centralized process for compliance with Title VI, akin to the role of Title IX coordinators. The law does not prescribe the parameters on how the position is filled, but it permits the Title VI coordinator to also have other duties. Institutions will likely need to assess the following to determine how to structure the role, including whether a full-time appointment (and, possibly, additional roles) may be necessary:
• Historical incident volume;
• Capacity in existing roles;
• Reporting structures;
• Existing procedures;
• Alignment with processes for discrimination complaints involving other protected characteristics, as well as for employees; and
• the law’s other new obligations.
The law specifically permits the appointment of designees and collaboration with other institutional employees to assist in compliance with the new requirements, but vests ultimate responsibility for compliance with the Title VI coordinator. Although not specifically noted, designating one person to be both the Title IX and Title VI coordinator could be compliant with the law.
The Title VI coordinator has enumerated responsibilities under the new law once a discrimination or harassment report is received, which include:
• Offering supportive measures to complainants;
• Notifying students who report conduct that may implicate Title VI of the institution’s policies and procedures; and
• Ensuring there is a process for investigation and resolution of complaints consistent with obligations under both federal and state law.
The Title VI coordinator is also required to establish and maintain appropriate recordkeeping, including records related to assessments of reports and actions taken in response, as well as records related to trainings (see below).
Title VI coordinators must notify all students and employees of the institution’s policies and procedures for reporting discrimination and harassment each academic year. In crafting the annual notification and aligning with notifications on other covered forms of discrimination, institutions will need to ensure the annual notification covers each piece of information required by the new law, including:
• the college or university’s nondiscrimination policy statement;
• links to relevant reporting policies and procedures;
• the Title VI coordinator’s contact information; and
• any other information the Title VI coordinator and the institution deem necessary.
Additionally, institutions will be required to deliver annual training to all students and employees to “ensure institutional compliance.” The law directs the New York State Division of Human Rights to coordinate with higher-education institutions to develop a model training, though institutions will also be permitted to use their own equivalents. While this model training is being developed, institutions may wish to take stock of existing training requirements and the populations to whom such training is already delivered, as well as begin planning for the logistical aspects of delivering training to their communities.
Separately, Title VI coordinators and any designees are required to undergo training on Title VI and the responsibilities of the new state law.
The law becomes effective one year from its enactment (i.e., Aug. 26, 2026). Once effective, institutions have 90 days to appoint a Title VI coordinator. Training obligations begin the first full academic year after the effective date (i.e., academic year 2026-27). While this timeline provides a long runway for institutions to implement the law’s requirements, given the heightened enforcement focus on Title VI, institutions may wish to consider which elements of the law can be implemented sooner to help promote compliance with Title VI as well as state nondiscrimination laws.
Brittany Schoepp-Wong is a member (partner) in the New York City office of the Syracuse–based law firm Bond, Schoeneck & King PLLC. She advises colleges, universities, and other organizations on a wide range of complex legal issues, bringing more than a decade of experience as in-house counsel at leading higher-education institutions. Camisha Parkins is an associate attorney in Bond’s New York City office. She works with clients on a wide array of legal issues, including drafting employment-related policies, researching the latest developments in New York labor and employment law, and assisting in the preparation and resolution of pending litigation. This article is drawn from the law firm’s website.

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South Side Community Growth Foundation appoints first executive director
SYRACUSE, N.Y. — The South Side Community Growth Foundation has appointed Deka Eysaman as its first executive director. Eysaman has a “proven track record” of driving impactful programs and initiatives that spark innovation within public private partnerships and advance equity for marginalized populations, per the announcement. Eysaman most recently served as assistant director of field
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SYRACUSE, N.Y. — The South Side Community Growth Foundation has appointed Deka Eysaman as its first executive director.
Eysaman has a “proven track record” of driving impactful programs and initiatives that spark innovation within public private partnerships and advance equity for marginalized populations, per the announcement.
Eysaman most recently served as assistant director of field organizing at the New York Civil Liberties Union (NYCLU), where she supervised a team of more than two dozen people across the state, directly overseeing the operations of four regional offices.
Under her leadership, NYCLU grew its volunteer network by 30 percent and partnered with statewide organizations to lead a successful campaign to pass an equal rights amendment to the state’s constitution.
The foundation believes the Syracuse community knows Eysaman best from her time serving as former board president of the Urban Jobs Task Force of Syracuse. Eysaman directed the organization’s “I-81 Local Hire” public-advocacy campaign. That effort sought to ensure 15 percent of employees working on the Interstate 81 viaduct-replacement project would be hired from the local community, bringing more than $7 million into the economy through their earned wages.
In that role, Eysaman raised more than $600,000 in funding from government and foundation sources; helped shape local policies; supported the creation of the Syracuse Build initiative; and helped the Urban Jobs Task Force through its transition from a 501 (c)(4) to 501 (c)(3) nonprofit organization.
She also oversaw the task force’s process to hire its first executive director.
Eysaman brings experience in programming and youth development, previously serving as teen program director for the Boys & Girls Clubs of Syracuse and program associate for the Syracuse University Science and Technology Entry Program (STEP). She was a 40 Under Forty recipient, recognized in 2020 by BizEventz and The Central New York Business Journal.
“I am honored to join the South Side Community Growth Foundation as its first executive director. This is an extraordinary opportunity to serve a community that is far too often forgotten, and to work alongside neighbors, partners, and leaders who are deeply committed to advancing equity and opportunity on the South Side,” Eysaman said in the announcement. “I look forward to bringing my experience in advocacy, community programming and facilitating cross-sector collaboration to help ensure that every resident has access to the resources they need to thrive.”
The nonprofit South Side Community Growth Foundation works to support South Side neighbors by partnering with neighbors, businesses, and government to invest in community initiatives. Established by local philanthropist Chedy Hampson (who founded and later sold TCGplayer.com for $295 million), the foundation’s focus areas include affordable housing and activities that support economic mobility of South Side residents.

Bassett’s Northeast Center for Occupational Health and Safety awarded $665K grant
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