Muhammad Ali and President Donald Trump belong in the same ring. Along with Hylton.

Hylton and I worked side-by-side, when we were in our 20s in New Zealand. He was an exceptionally effective executive. More than that, he was a force. As natural and as powerful a force as a typhoon. He both drew and repelled people. He caught the attention of everyone within shouting distance. One way or the other, Hylton got to them. Or got them to come to him.

I witnessed Hylton’s power in our company. Then on his own and later, in our industry. Over the years, he extended that power to the country. And finally to the region, when he moved to Australia. He utterly dominated his profession in that region. Countless people made it their business to keep up-to-date with what he was doing and thinking. They still do now, as Hylton eases into retirement.

To me, he and fellow typhoon Muhammad Ali were spawned by the same weather system. Of course, Ali impacted the world. He bragged, taunted, boasted, and punctured the pompous. He poked one finger in the eye of convention and another in that of the U.S. government.

Ah, but he performed, didn’t he? Ali confounded his critics. He floated like a butterfly around lead-footed heavies. He stung, not like a bee, but a jack-hammer.

Millions despised his very name. They lusted for Ali’s comeuppance. Yearned to see him decked in the third round. They scorned his arrogance. They added obscenities to the end of his declaration: “I am the greatest!”

Other millions celebrated his bluster. They loved Ali’s every move, in and out of the ring.

My point is that Ali drew the intense attention of many millions of people. He somehow inspired them to declare themselves. From Namibia to Peoria, people felt compelled to proclaim they were for or against his antics. Winning this notoriety and devotion was not an easy task for Ali. A mere handful of mortals have achieved the same.

Donald Trump is one of the handful. He sucks fans and enemies into his sphere of influence — from most every patch of the planet — to love or hate him. As if one extreme of his gives birth to an opposite extreme of dislike.

The news media loves the audience he delivers to them. Programs and journals that never touched politics now blather on and on about the man. The New York Times hates that most of the books on its best-seller lists are about Trump. They love that half the headlines on their front pages are about him. History textbook writers are already bashing him.

Weather guys finger Trump for the drought. Commuters in traffic jams curse him as the cause. Shanghai factory workers, the Pope, Tibetan nomads, and sheiks complain about the man.

Millions more adore the guy. And millions cannot bear him, but love his policies.

My point is that Trump is a phenomenon. He is that rarest of blends of arrogance, supreme confidence, cleverness, moxie, crudeness, audacity, irreverence, and influence. Ah, but he performs. He accomplishes things — things that some cherish and some despise.

Trump entices millions of people to follow his every move and comment. He inspires polarization that has wreaked havoc in countless families and friendships. He causes more froth from Hollywood mouths than anything any of us can recall. Many people check on what the hell Trump has been up to on Twitter before they seek breakfast.

Scorn for Trump is the number one topic on campuses, while admiration is rampant among the country’s “deplorables.” Often silent or whispered.

In the last two years, Donald Trump has probably caused more fist-fights than have insults from the end of the bar.

All of this fascinates me. I am delighted to have lived long enough to witness such a phenomenon, such a human whirlwind. If my grandchildren listened to me any more than yours do you, I would urge them to pay attention. Love him or hate him, the world sees such a force about as often as Haley’s Comet.

I am confident in predicting they will not see such a political force again in their lifetimes. I know that half of our readers mutter “Amen to that.” While the other half sing his praises.

I wonder what Hylton feels.

From Tom…as in Morgan.                   

Tom Morgan writes about political, financial, and other subjects from his home near Oneonta. You can write to Tom at tomasinmorgan@yahoo.com. Read more of his writing at tomasinmorgan.com

Gov. Andrew Cuomo has a lot of bad habits — ignoring New York’s unbearable taxes, governing with historic levels of secrecy, and chasing headlines at the expense of residents are but a few. However, treating convicted felons better than hard-working, law-abiding citizens may be the most offensive. His most recent stunt, unilaterally deciding parolees should have the right to vote, fits a disturbing pattern of prioritizing hardened criminals and exhibiting a gross lack of judgement.

The governor has done his best to facilitate a pro-criminal mentality in New York State. He has made public pushes for free college tuition and new computer tablets for inmates. The State Parole Board, the majority of whose members are appointed by Cuomo, recently voted to allow a cop-killer to walk free. In 2016, the governor inexplicably commuted the sentence of domestic terrorist Judith Clark, despite her role in a heist that left three dead.

On April 18, Cuomo announced an executive order to restore the voting rights of parolees. His desperate attempt to pander to his progressive base is transparent, and quite frankly, irresponsible. Executive orders have no place being used as partisan weapons. Sadly, that’s exactly what Cuomo is using them for as he faces a formidable primary challenger in Cynthia Nixon and growing pressure from left-wing voters.

The process is the problem

The New York Legislature placed these voting restrictions on parolees for a reason. Murderers, rapists, violent abusers, and drug pushers all made a choice to break the law. They gave up certain rights when they disregarded the rights of their victims. They should pay their debt to society in full before voting rights are restored. 

It’s painfully obvious Gov. Cuomo hastily generated a policy to pander to voters. Governing through executive order and by press release is weak. It completely disregards public input and review. It sends a bad message to both the legislature and residents of the state who expect rigorous vetting and debate for important policies.

Parolees, who often are restricted in one way or another upon release from prison, must show they are ready to fully reintegrate into society. According to the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision, the recidivism rate for violent felony offenders within three years of being released from prison is 46 percent. There are, for good reason, serious concerns about the judgement of those reintegrating.

Several states prohibit felons from voting forever. New York already offers felons a chance to participate in elections once the full term of their sentence has been completed, but Gov. Cuomo took it upon himself to erode electoral law for personal gain. His pattern of placing criminals on a pedestal for political purposes is bad for New Yorkers, bad for public safety, bad for democracy, and unbecoming of his office.        

Brian M. Kolb (R,I,C–Canandaigua), a former small-business owner, is the New York Assembly Minority Leader and represents the 131st Assembly District, which encompasses all of Ontario County and parts of Seneca County. Contact him at kolbb@nyassembly.gov