Here are a few observations that make many of us uncomfy.

This year, a few billion people will have to take off their shoes to board an airplane. That is not an exaggeration. This is a lot of tootsies, bother, and nuisance.

All because 17 years ago, a doofus boarded a plane wearing explosive shoes that did not explode. Since then? I don’t know. Google does not offer a lot of information on the subject. This makes it difficult to know whether the TSA can justify this inconvenience.

How about the rest of the security precautions? Four billion passengers a year have to come hours earlier to airports. They cannot carry various liquids and gels. They must suffer long lines in some places. They may get prodded and patted down. Agents may paw through their baggage. You don’t need me to describe this. You likely have gone through it.

Our taxpayers pay billions for this security system. Our TSA alone employs nearly 60,000 people. Imagine the costs worldwide. Imagine the amounts spent on equipment. And on re-designing airports to accommodate it.

We presume the staggering bills and inconvenience are worth it. After all, we have suffered no more 9/11s. Aircraft bombings are rare. Hijackings are rarer. Is this because our gargantuan security systems actually deter terrorists? We are not sure. We do know that whackos still slip weird stuff past agents.

Here are the discomforting issues. If the lives of air travelers are precious, how about the lives of train passengers? I often travel Amtrak. Nobody checks my baggage or shoes. I could haul a huge bomb aboard. Two or three. Amtrak porters would probably even help me bring them aboard. If I detonate the explosives while the train is on a bridge I could snuff as many lives as a plane bomber can.

I could do the same in a subway car. Or on a bus. On these, the numbers of lives would be fewer than on a big jet. 

But how about if I brought canisters of lethal gas aboard a subway train. I could easily don a gas mask and move from car to car spraying. Thereby killing many hundreds of riders.

Nobody checks subway travelers for weapons of any type. Neither Amtrak nor subway systems care what packages you haul aboard.

Terrorists could easily smuggle automatic weapons onto subway or rail cars. Nobody checks passengers’ totes or backpacks. There is only an occasional sniffer-dog in subway and train stations. And I am not sure one can smell an AK-47.

These issues make folks uncomfortable for a good reason. They know there is little we can do about them. 

Imagine that tomorrow terrorists did one of the horrible things I just described. We would gnash our teeth and point fingers. We would hold Congressional hearings. We would make statements and run for office on promises to prevent recurrences.

But what could we do? Technology may rescue us some day. But for now, we cannot screen millions of subway riders in our big cities. Amtrak passengers, yes. But not subway folks. If we interrupted the torrent of subway riders — even slightly — we would create mile-long lines.

This is a significant chink in our security armor. We are fortunate terrorists and nuts have not exploited it. We are fortunate terrorists are so few among us. Over 3 billion passengers ride our subways each year. London’s underground transports 1.4 billion. Only one crazy guy per 10 million would cause havoc.

Keep up with your prayers.

From Tom…as in Morgan.                     

Tom Morgan writes about political, financial, and other subjects from his home in upstate New York. Write to Tom at tomasinmorgan@yahoo.com. Read more of his writing at tomasinmorgan.com

You know the Pledge of Allegiance, probably by heart. You may recite it only occasionally, or get the chance several times a week. Sometimes, I’m guessing, you say it mechanically, and other times filled with deep meaning.

 I hope it’s more often the latter, because here’s what’s remarkable about the Pledge: in a few short phrases, it lays out the fundamentals of what our country represents and strives to achieve.

 Let’s start with these words: “and to the Republic for which it stands, one nation, under God, indivisible.” It’s not just talking about any nation or form of government; it’s talking about a republic — a unified nation, under divine Providence, with three fully equal branches that are strong and independent.

 The meaning goes even deeper than that. Really, we’re talking about power being dispersed across a large number of people and institutions. Our founders created a republic that to its core rejects autocratic political leadership and authoritarianism.

 This, in turn, provides a system that has the capacity to reform and renew itself, because its institutions rest on the political involvement of our citizens. Government is bound by the electoral process, an independent judiciary, and constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech, assembly, religion, and the press.

 This brings us to the final words: “with liberty and justice for all.” They represent a system built on individual dignity and respect for each person. We recognize and tolerate our differences. We may not always measure up to our ideals, but we certainly know what they are. We don’t try to demonize those who are different.

 At heart, then, this is a system based on the belief that we’re all in this enterprise together, and all connected to one another. Everyone has the right to enjoy the promise of America.

 Put these two parts of the Pledge together, and what it’s telling us is that we live in a system that binds us together by adherence to rules of political engagement, respect for the rule of law, and belief in our democratic institutions.

 What the country expects in return is that most individuals will live a life of honor, excellence and responsibility. The system demands hard work on the part of its citizens if it is to succeed.

 So the next time you stand as the Pledge is recited, think about what you’re saying. It’s deceptively simple. But it packs a powerful message.       

Lee Hamilton is a senior advisor for the Indiana University (IU) Center on Representative Government, distinguished scholar at the IU School of Global and International Studies, and professor of practice at the IU School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Hamilton, a Democrat, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for 34 years, representing a district in south central Indiana.